Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of
Representatives:
AMONG the vicissitudes incident to
life no event could have filled me with greater
anxieties than that of which the notification was
transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th
day of the present month. On the one hand, I was
summoned by my country, whose voice I can never hear
but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I
had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my
flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the
asylum of my declining years—a retreat which was
rendered every day more necessary as well as more
dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination,
and of frequent interruptions in my health to the
gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other
hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to
which the voice of my country called me, being
sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most
experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny
into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm
with despondence one who (inheriting inferior
endowments from nature and unpracticed in the duties
of civil administration) ought to be peculiarly
conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict
of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my
faithful study to collect my duty from a just
appreciation of every circumstance by which it might
be affected. All I dare hope is that if, in
executing this task, I have been too much swayed by
a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an
affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof
of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have
thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as
disinclination for the weighty and untried cares
before me, my error will be palliated by the motives
which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by
my country with some share of the partiality in
which they originated. Such being the impressions
under which I have, in obedience to the public
summons, repaired to the present station, it would
be peculiarly improper to omit in this first
official act my fervent supplications to that
Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who
presides in the councils of nations, and whose
providential aids can supply every human defect,
that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties
and happiness of the people of the United States a
Government instituted by themselves for these
essential purposes, and may enable every instrument
employed in its administration to execute with
success the functions allotted to his charge. In
tendering this homage to the Great Author of every
public and private good, I assure myself that it
expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor
those of my fellow-citizens at large less than
either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and
adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs
of men more than those of the United States. Every
step by which they have advanced to the character of
an independent nation seems to have been
distinguished by some token of providential agency;
and in the important revolution just accomplished in
the system of their united government the tranquil
deliberations and voluntary consent of so many
distinct communities from which the event has
resulted can not be compared with the means by which
most governments have been established without some
return of pious gratitude, along with an humble
anticipation of the future blessings which the past
seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of
the present crisis, have forced themselves too
strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join
with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none
under the influence of which the proceedings of a
new and free government can more auspiciously
commence.
By the article establishing the
executive department it is made the duty of the
President "to recommend to your consideration such
measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient."
The circumstances under which I now meet you will
acquit me from entering into that subject further
than to refer to the great constitutional charter
under which you are assembled, and which, in
defining your powers, designates the objects to
which your attention is to be given. It will be more
consistent with those circumstances, and far more
congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to
substitute, in place of a recommendation of
particular measures, the tribute that is due to the
talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which
adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt
them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the
surest pledges that as on one side no local
prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor
party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive
and equal eye which ought to watch over this great
assemblage of communities and interests, so, on
another, that the foundation of our national policy
will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of
private morality, and the preeminence of free
government be exemplified by all the attributes
which can win the affections of its citizens and
command the respect of the world. I dwell on this
prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent
love for my country can inspire, since there is no
truth more thoroughly established than that there
exists in the economy and course of nature an
indissoluble union between virtue and happiness;
between duty and advantage; between the genuine
maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the
solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity;
since we ought to be no less persuaded that the
propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on
a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order
and right which Heaven itself has ordained; and
since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty
and the destiny of the republican model of
government are justly considered, perhaps, as
deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment
entrusted to the hands of the American people.
Besides the ordinary objects
submitted to your care, it will remain with your
judgment to decide how far an exercise of the
occasional power delegated by the fifth article of
the Constitution is rendered expedient at the
present juncture by the nature of objections which
have been urged against the system, or by the degree
of inquietude which has given birth to them. Instead
of undertaking particular recommendations on this
subject, in which I could be guided by no lights
derived from official opportunities, I shall again
give way to my entire confidence in your discernment
and pursuit of the public good; for I assure myself
that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration
which might endanger the benefits of an united and
effective government, or which ought to await the
future lessons of experience, a reverence for the
characteristic rights of freemen and a regard for
the public harmony will sufficiently influence your
deliberations on the question how far the former can
be impregnably fortified or the latter be safely and
advantageously promoted.
To the foregoing observations I
have one to add, which will be most properly
addressed to the House of Representatives. It
concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as
possible. When I was first honored with a call into
the service of my country, then on the eve of an
arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in
which I contemplated my duty required that I should
renounce every pecuniary compensation. From this
resolution I have in no instance departed; and being
still under the impressions which produced it, I
must decline as inapplicable to myself any share in
the personal emoluments which may be indispensably
included in a permanent provision for the executive
department, and must accordingly pray that the
pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am
placed may during my continuance in it be limited to
such actual expenditures as the public good may be
thought to require.
Having thus imparted to you my
sentiments as they have been awakened by the
occasion which brings us together, I shall take my
present leave; but not without resorting once more
to the benign Parent of the Human Race in humble
supplication that, since He has been pleased to
favor the American people with opportunities for
deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and
dispositions for deciding with unparalleled
unanimity on a form of government for the security
of their union and the advancement of their
happiness, so His divine blessing may be equally
conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate
consultations, and the wise measures on which the
success of this Government must depend.